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a Department of Sociology, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill
Correspondence: Peter Uhlenberg, PhD, University of North Carolina, CB#3210, Department of Sociology, Chapel Hill, NC 27599. E-mail: peter_uhlenberg{at}unc.edu.
The ratio of children to old people in the population has changed dramatically over the 20th century. In 1900 the ratio of children under age 18 to adults over age 65 was 10:1; by the end of the century the ratio was 2:1. Around 2030, when baby boom cohorts have entered old age, it is expected that the number of children will about equal the number of old people (a ratio of 1.2:1). This convergence of the size of the two most disparate age groups in the population greatly increases the potential volume of contact that children have with old people as they age from birth to adulthood. If the social structures that connect old people and children did not change over the century, we would expect the amount of time that individuals spend during childhood interacting with old people to increase many-fold.
Unfortunately, we know almost nothing about actual changes over time in the involvement of children with older persons. Information that would permit even rough estimates of the volume of interaction is available neither for the beginning nor the end of this century. It is not surprising that no one collected survey data on relationships between young and old persons in 1900. It is more surprising, however, that none of the large surveys of older persons conducted in recent years has asked questions related to the involvement that they have with children. Extensive statistics are now available on sources of income and health status of the elderly population, but not on their relationship with young people. Despite a paucity of relevant data, these are reasons why the integration of old and young in America is a topic worth exploring.
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A Case for Integration of Young and Old |
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 TOP A Case for Integration... Perspectives on Old-Young...Evidence of BenefitsConclusionReferences |
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First, changes in both childhood and old age have created an unprecedented opportunity for old people to meet the needs of children. In general, children depend upon adults for care, training, supervision, and transfer of material resources. There is general agreement that children do better when they receive large amounts of these things, but changes in American families in recent decades have reduced the ability of parents to provide them for their children. High rates of out-of-wedlock childbearing and divorce mean that many children live with only one parent. By 1995, over 30% of all children (and 67% of Black children) were living in households without two parents present, and more than half are expected to live at least part of their childhood with a single parent. The availability of parents to provide care and supervision of children has been further reduced in recent decades as an increasing proportion of mothers have entered the labor force. In 1995, over 60% of mothers with children under age 6 were working outside the home. In short, the well-being of children depends more than ever upon adults other than parents being engaged with children.
Several changes in the older population in recent decades have increased the potential of this age group to make productive contributions in the area of child care, supervision, and training. As retirement has become more commonplace, few older persons have significant time obligations to paid work (only 12% of those over age 65 are involved in the labor force). This retired population tends to be healthy (70% of those over 65 rate their health as "good" or "excellent" and only 20% have serious functional limitations) and economically secure (60% have incomes at least 200% above the poverty level). Furthermore, a majority of those over age 65 have at least a high school education and have acquired valuable skills over their lifetime. Without minimizing the diversity within the older population and the serious limitations that restrict the ability of some older persons to engage in demanding activities, it seems obvious that large resources for meeting the needs of children reside in the population of older persons.
A second benefit of integrating older and younger persons involves the potential for children to meet the needs of older persons. To be sure, many adults, old and young, will be involved in meeting the needs of the growing number of elders in the population. But there also are special opportunities for young people to be involved in this task. Young people and children have skills and energy that could be channeled toward helping old people. For example, children growing up in the information age could assist in educating old people about using computer and communication technology. Even more important, perhaps, would be the gains to children of being involved in meeting the needs of others. A growing number of educators recognize that community service plays an important role in training for citizenship. Service to older persons could be one of the most meaningful ways of teaching children that they can be productive and useful members of the community.
A third benefit of integrating the disparate age groups is the potential for increased mutual understanding that results from the interaction of young and old. Ageist stereotypes, like other stereotypes, are nurtured in an environment of high segregation. Development of cross-age friendships could dissipate the fears that children have of old people and challenge biases that old people have toward contemporary children and adolescents.
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Perspectives on Old-Young Relationships |
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TOPA Case for Integration...Perspectives on Old-Young...Evidence of BenefitsConclusionReferences |
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provocative article that ignited the debate over intergenerational equity was "Children and the Elderly: Divergent Paths for America's Dependents." If, as suggested by this title, the old and the young are dependent upon the middle generation, then one might assume that there is little that they can do for each other. Indeed, they become rivals separated not only by life stages, but also by economic interests. This image of the young and old separated into categories with no significant interaction fits well with the familiar model of age stratification that sees life divided into three boxes. Children are involved with education (job training), whereas the old are in the trivial (but costly) box of leisure. Both are largely excluded from the labor force and therefore are viewed as unproductive and dependent. The old are not involved in the primary task confronting the young (getting an education), and the young can best aid the leisure pursuits of the old by staying out of their way. Nothing in this model suggests a connection between the old and young that leads to meaningful exchanges with each other.
The other perspective on linkages between the old and young in American society starts with the family, rather than the economy, and focuses on relationships between grandparents and grandchildren. In contrast to the intergenerational equity literature, the grandparent literature tends to see an important linkage between older and younger persons based on affection and caring arising from kinship ties. Although the literature on grandparenthood is growing, much of the research is based on small, nonrepresentative samples, and it tends to avoid the most interesting questions. Thus, we know the most about one of the least important aspects of the relationship—frequency of contact. Knowing that most grandparents have frequent contact with at least some of their grandchildren is not irrelevant, but it does not provide insight into the content and significance of these relationships for either party. A search for rigorous studies examining the importance of grandparents in the lives of children, or the importance of grandchildren in the lives of older people, is disappointing. Existing studies indicate that the old and young may be connected in significant ways through kinship bonds, but important work remains to be done in assessing how much older people contribute to the development of human capital in children and how much social capital they provide for children. Further, exploring meaningful linkages between older and younger persons should not begin with an exclusive focus on grandparent–grandchild connections. Other potentially important links between older and younger persons who are not biologically related also need to be explored.
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Evidence of Benefits |
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TOPA Case for Integration...Perspectives on Old-Young...Evidence of BenefitsConclusionReferences |
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Coresiding grandparents and grandchildren.
Statistics from the U.S. Bureau of the Census indicate that, since the 1980s, both the number and proportion of children living with one or more of their grandparents have increased (Saluter 1992). Several studies have examined possible effects of being a custodial grandparent on the grandparent involved (Hayslip, Shore, Henderson, and Lambert 1998; Jendreck, 1994; Minkler and Roe 1993). Several adverse consequences, such as social isolation, poor health, and depression, have been reported for these grandparents. A complete picture of the effects on grandparents is not provided in these studies, however, because little attention is given to possible benefits (such as increased meaning in life or satisfaction of helping children with needs). Furthermore, these studies have not been able to examine consequences for the children who have grandparents involved in their lives.
Using a large, nationally representative sample of adolescents, Kirby and Uhlenberg 1998 have compared outcomes for adolescents living with a grandparent to those not living with a grandparent). In this study we were able to assess four aspects of adolescent well-being: quality of relationship reported with mother, involvement in delinquent activities, academic performance, and evidence of depression. In no comparison was there evidence of a negative consequence associated with grandparents coresiding with their grandchildren. Further, in several areas there was evidence that presence of a grandparent had beneficial effects on adolescent well-being. First, presence of a grandparent in single-mother families was associated with lower rates of adolescent delinquent behavior. Second, in both single-mother families and no-parent families, adolescent girls had a lower rate of depression when a grandparent was living in the family. Third, adolescents in families without either parent present reported much higher quality relationships with their surrogate mother if the surrogate mother was a grandparent, rather than a foster mother.
Grandparents who engage in the demanding work of rearing or helping to rear their grandchildren who lack two parents no doubt experience stress (as do parents of adolescents). However, these findings suggest that this involvement tends to improve their grandchildren's lives. Researchers interested in intergenerational relationships need to be reminded that relationships should be viewed from the perspective of both generations and that relationships are multifaceted. A relationship that is stressful to one person may at the same time be rewarding and beneficial for the other persons involved in it. Additional research needs to examine more broadly ways in which older persons can positively affect the lives of their grandchildren.
Intergenerational programs.
One can also find evidence of benefits of age integration in situations not involving kinship ties. Professionals in human service fields report rapid growth in recent years in the number of intergenerational programs in the United States. These programs are "designed to engage non-biologically linked older and younger persons in interactions that encourage cross-generational bonding, promote cultural exchange, and provide positive support systems that help to maintain the well-being and security of the older and younger generations" (Newman, Ward, Smith, Wilson, and McCrea 1997, p. 56). Some of the national programs that are included in this area are: Adopt a Grandparent Program, which arranges for young people to make regular visits to older persons; Foster Grandparent Program, which matches lower income older persons with children who have special needs; Across Ages, which involves older volunteers as mentors to especially vulnerable youth; and "Retired Senior Volunteers Program, which, among other things, places older volunteers in schools, hospitals, and other settings where they can assist children. In 1986 the National Council on Aging, AARP, the Child Welfare League of America, and the Children's Defense Fund came together to create Generations United, a national advocacy organization to promote age integration. To the extent that these programs have been evaluated, they have been found to benefit both the older and younger persons involved in them.
In addition to programs that are national in scope, there are numerous local programs that match older persons with resources to children with needs. Older persons in these programs serve as mentors, tutors, caregivers, nurturers, friends, and coaches. An example of this is the Senior Citizen School Volunteer Program, developed by Generations Together at the University of Pittsburgh in 1978, which works with both teachers and older volunteers to train, place, and support older persons working with children in schools. Other programs facilitate the service of older volunteers and workers in day care centers and community centers. Still other programs bring old people and children together to work on projects that will improve the community. For descriptions of a wide range of these types of programs see Intergenerational Programs: Past, Present and Future (Newman et al. 1997).
The proliferation of intergenerational programs suggests that concern for age integration may be increasing, and efforts to bring it about are developing. Nevertheless, one should not exaggerate the level of involvement of older persons in the lives of children at this time. A recent national survey of respondents who were able and willing to participate in telephone interviews found that persons over age 65 are only about one third as likely as persons aged 35–44 to engage in volunteer work that benefits children and teens (16.8% vs 48.1%) (Bengtson and Harootyan 1994). In addition, intergenerational programs are not generally viewed as significant efforts to solve social problems or to change the structure of the life course. Moody and Disch 1989 argue that public support for intergenerational programs is superficial ("a mile wide and an inch deep"), and others (Newman et al. 1997) suggest that these programs are seen as "cute" rather than genuinely significant. Compared to the "big" issues of health and income (Medicare and Social Security), intergenerational programs are a very small item on the political agenda. Age integration may have profound implications for the quality of life over the life course, but it is not yet generally recognized as something that merits serious attention.
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Conclusion |
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TOPA Case for Integration...Perspectives on Old-Young...Evidence of BenefitsConclusionReferences |
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References |
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TOPA Case for Integration...Perspectives on Old-Young...Evidence of BenefitsConclusionReferences |
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This article has been cited by other articles:
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  G. O. Hagestad and P. Uhlenberg Should We Be Concerned About Age Segregation?: Some Theoretical and Empirical Explorations Research on Aging, November 1, 2006; 28(6): 638 - 653. [Abstract] [PDF]
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