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Multiple Role Occupancy in Midlife: Balancing Work and Family Life in Britain

^a Institute of Gerontology, King's College London, United Kingdom

Correspondence: Maria Evandrou, MSc, Senior Lecturer in Gerontology, Institute of Gerontology, King's College London, Franklin-Wilkins Building, Waterloo Bridge Wing, Waterloo Road, London SE1 9NN, United Kingdom. E-mail: maria.evandrou{at}kcl.ac.uk.

Decision Editor: Laurence G. Branch, PhD

	Abstract

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Purpose: This article investigates the extent of multiple- role occupancy among midlife individuals in Britain in cross-section and over the life course, focusing on work and family commitments. The association between demographic and social factors and multiple-role obligations is also investigated. Design and Methods: The research is based on secondary analysis of the British Family and Working Lives Survey, which contains retrospective paid work, caregiving, and child coresidence histories. Results: The proportion of individuals in midlife (women aged 45–59 and men aged 45–64) who have multiple roles, in terms of paid work and consistent family care, at any one point in time is low (2%). This is primarily due to the relatively small proportion (7%) of people in this age group who are caring for a dependent. Being older, unmarried, and in poor health significantly reduces the number of roles held among men and women. Although the frequency of multiple role occupancy, and intensive multiple role occupancy, is low on a cross-sectional basis, a much higher proportion of individuals have ever occupied multiple roles over their life course (14%). Implications: The findings will inform debate on how policy can best aid those endeavouring to balance paid work, family life, and caring responsibilities.

Key Words: Caring • Working • Family responsibilities

Individuals undertake a variety of roles within work and family life, including parent, spouse, carer, and paid worker. Given rises in female labor force participation and longevity, a major concern among gerontologists in the past few decades has been the frequency with which midlife individuals (particularly women) are caught in the middle between competing work and family responsibilities (Brody 1981; Kinsella and Velkoff 2001). Much of the work on this issue is North American, in part reflecting the importance of generational issues in societies where there is a greater structural potential for multiple role configurations (i.e. where it is more common for midlife individuals to have both living parents and children; Farkas and Hogan 1995). For example, a recent study showed that 35% of American women aged 55–63 had at least one child and at least one surviving parent compared with only 19% of their British counterparts (Grundy 1999). This reflects both higher levels of life expectancy at older ages in the United States and higher fertility achieved during the baby boom in the late 1950s and early 1960s (Grundy 1999). However, the extent of multiple role commitments in midlife continues to be a critical issue in Western Europe as countries experience demographic trends similar to those found in the United States, such as increases in the proportion of midlife individuals with living parents, reflecting rises in survival at older ages; increases in coresidence and dependency among young adults, reflecting rises in the age at which children leave and return home, as well as rising ages at motherhood; and continued rises in female labor force participation (Coleman 1996; Vaupel 1997; White 1994).

We used the British Family and Working Lives Survey (FWLS) to investigate the extent of multiple roles among midlife individuals, focusing on work and family commitments. The research examined the prevalence of multiple work and family responsibilities among middle-aged individuals in cross-section and over the life course. We explored and mapped out these multiple role obligations using a series of typologies. The degree of variation in patterns of multiple role occupancy by age, marital status, occupational social class, education, health, and housing tenure was also analyzed. In particular, we addressed (a) the proportion of midlife men and women who undertake a multiplicity of roles within the work and family spheres at any one point in time, (b) variation in the patterns of multiple role occupancy, and (c) the experience of multiple role occupancy over the life course.

Brody 1981, Brody 1985 argued that multiple role commitments among women were becoming a normative experience. More recent research, however, has suggested that being caught in the middle, in terms of simultaneous caregiving responsibilities to dependent children and frail parents while in paid work, is an atypical experience (Dautzenberg, Diederiks, Philipsen, and Stevens 1998; Himes 1994; Rosenthal, Martin-Matthews, and Matthews 1996; Rosenthal, Matthews, and Marshall 1989; Soldo 1996; Spitze and Logan 1990). Although multiple role commitments in midlife appear to be uncommon, there is empirical evidence to show that the extent of multiple roles is increasing among younger generations (Moen, Robison, and Fields 1994; Robinson, Moen, & Dempster-McClain, 1995). It is expected that this will also be the case for Britain, given current trends in those demographic factors that are likely to influence work and caring responsibilities in later life (Evandrou 1997; Falkingham 1997).

Research on the extent of multiple role commitments has largely considered these obligations at only one point in time. A study that used life history data to examine various role commitments over the life course found that the frequency of certain roles (i.e., caregiving) was much higher than when considered at one point in time only (Moen et al. 1994). For example, 50% of women in the sample studied had been caregivers at some point between the ages of 18 and 55 (Moen et al. 1994).

There is also little research concerning socioeconomic and demographic variations in multiple role occupancy, although a substantial body of work has focused on the relationship between multiple role responsibilities in later life and various measures of physical and mental health. Research in this area reflects two opposing theoretical perspectives, the role strain hypothesis, which predicts a negative association between multiple role obligations and health (Goode 1960), and the role enhancement hypothesis, which suggests that occupying multiple roles may have a positive effect on health (Marks 1977; Sieber 1974). In general, empirical evidence has suggested that those with multiple roles are more likely to be in better physical and mental health (Adelman 1994a, Adelman 1994b; Nathanson 1980; Voydanoff and Donnelly 1999) and to engage in more social activities (Farkas and Himes 1997). On the other hand, a few studies have demonstrated either higher levels of reported psychological stress among women with multiple roles (Beck, Dallinger, Naegele, and Reichert 1997, as cited in Reichert and Naegele 1999; Jenkins 1997) or little or no effect of multiple role commitments on various measures of well-being (Penning 1998; Reid and Hardy 1999; Spitze, Logan, Joseph, and Lee 1994; Verbrugge 1983).

In addition, the majority of studies of multiple role occupancy have focused on women. In part, this reflects the fact that the preponderance of personal, or heavy-duty care, is provided by women. For example, a Canadian study found that men were only half as likely as women to be involved in the provision of personal care (Martin-Mathews and Campbell 1995). Rising female employment in the postwar period has also meant that more women are combining work and family roles (Armitage and Scott 1998). In Britain, this has been exacerbated by a shift in the policy context. Changes in community care legislation, particularly over the 1980s, have shifted the emphasis of the responsibility of care toward the community, which in turn has intensified the demands placed on women (Dalley 1988; Parker 1990). It is also important to examine the assumption of multiple roles among men. Studies in North America that have investigated gender differences in work and family patterns have shown that men are equally (or more) likely than women to face multiple roles (Rosenthal et al. 1996; Spitze and Logan 1990). This reflects their higher labor force participation in addition to family commitments, although the intensity, duration, and impact of combined work and family roles may actually be greater for women, given their more active involvement in family life.

There is also considerable variation in how roles are defined, and researchers have emphasized the importance of capturing both the intensity and the duration of specific roles (Bartley, Popay, and Plewis 1992; Farkas and Himes 1997; Moen et al. 1994; Pienta, Burr, and Mutchler 1994). For example, research on the long-term effects of high levels of caring has shown a significant negative association with health, employment, and earnings (Evandrou 1996; Evandrou and Winter 1992).

	Methods

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Data
This article is based on secondary analysis of the FWLS. The FWLS comprises a nationally representative sample of 9,139 British individuals aged 16–69 years, interviewed in 1994–1995 (King and Murray 1996). The one-off survey was carried out on behalf of a number of government departments, including Education and Employment, Social Security, the Environment, and the Home Office. The aim was to collect information about people's family circumstances, labor market participation, and pension status over their lifetimes in order to aid policy development. Face-to-face interviews were conducted in respondents' own homes, and information was collected using three separate survey instruments (Fig. 1). First, the main questionnaire gathered data on housing, education, unemployment, pensions, benefits, family decisions, caring, and disability. Second, retrospective life history information was collected by means of an events matrix. The events matrix included partnership and birth history data, dates when children left or rejoined the household, and periods in training and education. Third, work history data were documented in a detailed jobs grid where respondents entered the start and end dates for each employment episode (including periods of unemployment and time out of the labor market due to family responsibilities or other reasons) since they first entered the labor market. The response rate obtained was relatively low (54%; see Appendix, Note 1) compared with other surveys, such as the earlier 1980 Women and Employment Survey (Martin and Roberts 1984).

View larger version (34K): [in this window] [in a new window]   Figure 1. Family and Working Lives Survey (1994–1995). CAPI = computer assisted personal interviewing.

How much time per week in total do you spend looking after or helping your dependents? That is including time when you need just to be there with that person (apart from when you are asleep and excluding time travelling to and from his/her home).

Thus, it was possible to distinguish individuals who provided care for 20 or more hr per week from those who provided care for fewer than 20 hr per week and those who were not currently providing care. This measure was chosen as previous studies have found a significant association between hours of care, employment, and health status (Evandrou 1996).

Parent
Information from the household grid was used to define the parental role variable. In keeping with previous studies (Bartley et al. 1992; Farkas and Himes 1997; Penning 1998; Rosenthal et al. 1996; Spitze and Logan 1990), this distinguished individuals who had children of any age in the household (including step- and adopted children) versus those who did not. The intensity of the parental role can be distinguished in a number of ways. The literature indicates that the demands of dependent children are likely to be greater than those of adult children (Dautzenberg et al. 1998; Reid and Hardy 1999; Spitze et al. 1994). Thus, those living with at least one dependent child (see Appendix, Note 3) were defined as having a more intensive parental role. It may also be postulated that coresident adult children with particular needs such as physical disability may require high levels of parental support. Furthermore, coresident adult children who have recently undergone a stressful event such as a divorce or job loss may also require heightened levels of parental support. To further specify the intensity of the parental role among those with only adult children in the household, those coresiding with a child with one or more of the following characteristics were identified as having a more intense or stressful role: (a) permanently sick, disabled, or unable to work; (b) unemployed; or (c) divorced, separated, or widowed. In addition, as the main questionnaire asked which household members contributed to household income, it was possible to identify households with at least one adult child over the age of 25 where no children were reported as contributors to household income.

Paid Worker
Paid workers were defined as those individuals who at the time of the survey were either in full-time or part-time work, either as employees or as self-employed. Paid workers were further categorized into those working full time (over 30 hr per week, including persons on job training schemes funded by the government or on maternity/paternity leave), or part time (up to and including 30 hr/week).

Operationalizing Multiple Roles Over the Life Course
One of the key strengths of the FWLS is that it includes retrospective data on past episodes of caregiving, paid work, and family life. Variables were derived for each month of the respondent's life from the age of 16 up to their age at interview, indicating whether or not they had provided care, had children in the household, or were in paid work. From these variables, we determined whether individuals had ever occupied specific roles or combinations of roles in the past. The analysis of retrospective role occupation was based on a subsample of 1,027 men aged 45–64 and 947 women aged 45–59. These smaller sample sizes reflect missing or invalid dates in the histories and the exclusion of those cases where the dates children left or returned home in the events matrix did not match the information on coresident children collected in the household grid.

Analyzing Multiple Roles in Midlife
In the following section, we analyze patterns of multiple role occupancy, as defined in Table 2 , using both bivariate and multivariate techniques (by means of SPSS, TDA, and STATA statistical packages). The extent of multiple role occupancy and the intensity of these roles was investigated at the time of the interview in 1994–1995 and also across the life course, using retrospective data from employment, caring, and child coresidence histories. The correlates of multiple role occupancy were explored using Poisson regression. The Poisson regression model has several advantages over ordinary least squares regression for this study: The Poisson distribution is used to describe discrete, limited dependent variables (as opposed to continuous variables); the distribution is skewed (as opposed to symmetrical) and nonnegative; and the variance of the distribution increases as the mean increases (as opposed to a constant variance; Long 1997). The coefficients in the Poisson regression model can be interpreted as approximations of the percentage change in the number of multiple roles. The exact percentage difference is given by 100 * (e^B - 1) (Long 1997).

	Results

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The Extent of Multiple Role Occupancy in Britain
Fig. 2 shows single and multiple role occupancy within the spheres of caring, paid work, and parenting. Overall in midlife, 7% of people experienced caring for someone, 50% were parents and 66% were in some type of paid work. A considerable proportion occupied only one of these roles (42%), with the majority of these in the paid worker role. The proportion of midlifers with multiple roles was shown by the ellipses: For example, 2% experienced the most demanding role configuration, combining carer, parent, and worker roles. Those with dual roles included 34% who were both parents and paid workers, 1% were parents and carers, and 2% were paid workers and carers. The results support earlier work indicating that when caregiving or the provision of help to parents is considered, only a small proportion of midlifers are in complex role configurations at a given point in time (Dautzenberg et al. 1998; Rosenthal et al. 1996; Spitze and Logan 1990).

View larger version (18K): [in this window] [in a new window]   Figure 2. Multiple roles among 45–59-year-old women and 45–64-year-old men, Family and Working Lives Survey (1994–1995).

Table 5 illustrates the extent to which these intensive roles overlapped by presenting the proportion of midlife men and women who held multiple intensive roles. The table highlights the fact that the holding of multiple intense roles is a rare occurrence cross-sectionally, with only 19% of men and 7% of women occupying two or more intense roles. Chi-square tests demonstrated significant differences between men and women in the occupation of intensive multiple roles, ²(8, N = 2490) = 323.78, p = .000. As expected, a greater proportion of men had combinations of roles that involved full-time paid work. Women in midlife were less likely to have intensive roles than men, which largely reflects gender differences in full-time paid work.

Education, social class, and housing tenure were found to have a significant relationship with role occupancy in bivariate analyses. However, only social class was significant in the multivariate analysis, with women whose socioeconomic group was inadequately described (i.e., women who were out of the labor market and whose occupation was not defined) being less likely to have additional roles. Being in poor health was also associated with fewer roles: Reporting long-standing illness reduced the number of roles occupied by men by 38%. It is likely that poor health may be a barrier to both engaging in paid work and caring. However, it could also be the result of role overload. Longitudinal data are therefore needed to unravel the causal relationship.

Role Occupancy Over the Life Course
Our analysis concentrated on current multiple role occupancy. When role occupancy was examined over the life course, a different picture emerged. Table 7 shows the proportion of midlife men and women in the various roles at the time of the survey and across the life course. The results indicate that the proportion of individuals who have ever occupied a role is much higher than current role occupancy. For example, among midlife women, although only 10% were providing care at the time of the interview, 28% had provided care at some point in their lives. Furthermore, the proportion of women who had ever provided care rose with age. Although 20% of 45–49-year-old women had ever provided care, nearly 38% of 55–59-year-old women had ever cared. There are also important gender differences; whereas 28% of midlife women (aged 45–59) had ever provided care, only 15% of men (aged 45–64) had ever done so. The vast majority of both men and women had been parents and had children living at home at some point in their lives and had experienced paid work.

View larger version (21K): [in this window] [in a new window]   Figure 3. Median duration of caring (in years) among ever carers by age and gender, Family and Working Lives Survey (1994–1995).

	Discussion

TOP Abstract Methods Results Discussion Appendix References

Few previous studies have looked at variations in multiple roles across different groups. The analysis here has shown that demographic and social characteristics affect the assumption of multiple roles, with age, being unmarried, and being in poor health significantly reducing the likelihood of holding multiple roles among men and women. In addition, marked differences were found between the cross-sectional picture and that over the lifetime, so although the proportion of individuals in midlife who had multiple roles was small cross-sectionally, the proportion of individuals who had ever cared increased significantly and differed across gender. Thus, multiple role occupancy is not an atypical experience when examined over the life course, a finding confirmed by previous studies (Moen et al. 1994)

We acknowledge that the data used in this study were collected in 1994–1995, and the cross-sectional picture may be somewhat different today. Given that labor force participation rates among women have continued to rise, it is likely that the experience of multiple roles in 2002 will be higher. Thus, the results here are likely to underestimate the experience of multiple roles. However, it is important to point out that there is no other source of nationally representative data in Britain that will allow the investigation of multiple roles over the life course.

Given that being caught in the middle is a much more common experience over the life course, it is important to examine how the assumption of multiple social roles in midlife can affect quality of life in old age. For example, multiple role occupation may affect the accumulation of pension entitlements; fewer years in paid work can jeopardize the ability of individuals such as carers to meet eligibility requirements and may consequently lead to low income in retirement. The effect of multiple social roles on the physical health of individuals currently, and also in later life, has implications for long-term care, both in terms of family care and in the ability to purchase care, either through insurance or other payment mechanisms (e.g., charging).

There is a growing recognition by policymakers of the importance of supporting individuals in juggling work and family life, as reflected in the British government's launch in 2000 of the Work-Life Balance Campaign (Department for Education and Employment 2000). This aims to encourage employers to introduce more flexible work practices in order to facilitate workers' reaching a better equilibrium between work and other spheres of their life (e.g., child or adult caring responsibilities, as well as other interests). Although the number of companies offering flexible working practices in Britain is growing, it is relatively small compared with Scandinavian countries (Andersson 1999; Phillips 1998), and the range is limited, primarily concentrating on those with child care responsibilities. Our future research will explore the impact of multiple role occupancy on health, resources, and pension income in later life.

	Acknowledgments

 
This research is part of a project funded by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC; Grant Number L480254036). We are grateful to the ESRC Data Archive for permission and access to the Family and Working Lives Survey (FWLS) and General Household Survey data. We are particularly grateful to Stephen McKay for his expert assistance and advice with regards to the FWLS. Ursula Henz is now with the London School of Economics, United Kingdom.

Received for publication November 15, 2001. Accepted for publication March 20, 2002.

	Appendix

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Notes
Possible explanations include the lengthy interview, the complexity of the questionnaire, and the fact that the fieldwork was carried out by a private survey research company.

This may underestimate the total amount of care provided, as the question wording encouraged respondents to focus on the heavier end of caring.

Following established practice, dependent children were defined as those aged less than 16.

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